ATHENAEUM PONTIFICAL REGINA APOSTOLORUM
Faculty of Bioethics
Commercial Markets Created by Abortion: Profiting from the Fetal Distribution Chain
Professor: Father Joseph Tham
Student: Victoria Evans
Matriculation n.: 00006495
BE2001 Dissertation for the Licentiate
Rome, 18 November 2009
2
CONTENTS
Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………..4
1. Foundations of Abortion……………………………………………………………..7
1.1. Individual Impact…………………………………………………………….7
1.2. Socio-Economic Impact……………………………………………………...9
2. The Abortion Industry……………………………………………………………….12
2.1. Industry Composition………………………………………………………..12
2.2. Case Study…………………………………………………………………...13
2.2.1. Planned Parenthood Business Operations…………………………...15
2.2.2. Clinical Trials…………………………………………………..........18
2.3. Political Landscape…………………………………………………………..20
2.3.1. Federal Framework…………………………………………………..20
2.3.2. Planned Parenthood Structure………………………………………..21
2.3.3. Grassroots Lobbying…………………………………………………22
2.3.4. Direct Lobbying……………………………………………………...24
3. The Fetal Parts Industry……………………………………………………………..27
3.1. Legal History………………………………………………………………...28
3.2. Investigative Report…………………………………………………………32
3.3. Fetus Farming………………………………………………………………..37
4. The Pharmaceutical Industry………………………………………………………..40
4.1. Industry Dynamics…………………………………………………………..40
4.2. Vaccines……………………………………………………………………..44
4.3. Human Technology Manufacturing Platforms……………………………....47
5. The Cosmetics Industry……………………………………………………………...51
5.1 Cosmeceutical Development………………………………………………...51
3
5.2. Market Demographics………………………………………………………53
6. Ethical Assessment………………………………………………………………….56
6.1. The Human Person………………………………………………………….56
6.2. The Past and the Future……………………………………………………..57
6.3. Cooperation in Evil………………………………………………………….59
Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………..65
Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………...68
4
INTRODUCTION
The abortion divide is commonly viewed as an ideological conflict. Does a woman‟s
right to make reproductive choices eclipse the right to life of a developing fetus? Too often the
rhetoric begins and ends at this level of discourse.
An ideology may be defined as “a system of collectively held normative and reputedly
factual ideas and beliefs and attitudes, advocating and/or justifying a particular pattern of
political and/or economic relationships, arrangements and conduct.”
1
It is a wide-ranging shared
belief system that can serve to motivate and justify and to provide the foundation for programs of
political and social action. “Leaders of sociopolitical movements realize that there will
inevitably be times when a movement‟s ideology will conflict with the experiences and
moralities of their followers. At those moments, followers must reject their own consciences and
blindly fall back on the accepted dogma.”
2
This quotation characterizes the ideological divide
surrounding abortion. It is today‟s most polarizing issue.
There is a particular cultural vision that provides motivation and justification for access
to legal abortion by focusing on a woman‟s autonomy, privacy, equality and right to self-
determination. Understanding this vision is fundamental to understanding the deep reluctance of
the pro-choice community to abandon the status quo as it relates to abortion. By the same token,
those who reject abortion do so based on an anthropology that embraces as central the individual
human person, his dignity, intrinsic worth and right to life, regardless of stage of development or
state of life. This vision of the person is irreconcilably at odds with the acceptance of abortion.
Today the abortion industry claims a unique place as an established structure of
American society. It benefits from legal and governmental protections. Juridical cases
upholding abortion rights indicate its relatively secure position in federal and state courts.
Explanations as to why it has come to occupy this position vary. Perhaps it is the will of the
majority, the sheer political strength of an ideological movement, or a postmodern vision of what
1
M. B. HAMILTON, “The Elements of the Concept of Ideology”, Political Studies 35 (1987) 18-38. 2
M. CRUTCHER, Lime 5: Exploited by Choice, Life Dynamics, Incorporated, Denton 1996, 205.
5
constitutes a “right” for the human person and a “good” for the society. Putting aside the
ideological question for the moment, it appears that abortion-related businesses, silently
springing up and maturing over the past forty years, could now be influencing the abortion
debate. The reality of these businesses is not often part of the general public‟s knowledge or
concern.
Is there a commercial case for preserving the abortion industry in its present form that
transcends ideology? Are special interests driving the industry? How much power, if any, do
financial considerations wield when weighed against societal norms, rules and laws that govern
abortion? Does the public‟s ignorance of these factors contribute to maintaining the abortion
culture as it exists today? If people understood these factors, might their ideas about abortion
change? As commercial ventures, how much profit do the abortion industry and those industries
dependent upon it generate---and to what interests? What extent does money, “the root of all
evil,” play in understanding the complex calculus of abortion?
As a practical matter, this paper cannot settle the question of whether abortion is
predominantly an ideology or a commercial enterprise. To some degree, it is both. It will
instead focus on industrial sectors whose origin and growth are a result of legalized abortion.
The culture of abortion is multifaceted. Its influence has permeated countless segments of
society. It has created new commercial markets and molded existing ones. While it fulfills the
definition of an ideology, particularly in those who inhabit its two extreme positions, economic
revelations that underlie the abortion industry may affect the thinking of those less resolved
individuals inhabiting the more moderate center.
Little is widely known about the business aspects of the abortion industry that relate to its
function of supplying electively-aborted fetuses to industries that exploit them for economic
gain. An unintended consequence of the essentially unencumbered right to abortion has been the
creation of a vast and lucrative market in fetal tissue, fetal organs and fetal parts.
This paper will attempt to follow the money trail in an effort to expose those special
interests that contribute to abortion‟s control over the American culture and the American
6
economy. It will examine some industries connected with and profiteering from the abortion
industry, some directly and some more remotely.
Chapter 1 will look at general foundational aspects of abortion. Chapter 2 delves into the
social, commercial, political and juridical systems that make the abortion industry itself
profitable. Chapter 3 examines the fetal parts industry, an industry that could not have
developed without a legal and protected abortion structure. Chapter 4 follows fetal-tissue
technology into the pharmaceutical industry. Chapter 5 reveals how fetal-tissue supply and
demand shape the cosmetics industry. Finally, Chapter 6 analyzes the ethical implications of the
practices taking place and why it is necessary to shine a light on these practices. The scope will
generally be limited to the United States, except in cases involving worldwide markets.
7
Chapter 1
FOUNDATIONS OF ABORTION
Who profits from abortion? Abortion does not affect just one person. It impacts
individuals, families, businesses and society at large. Thus, many people and entities can
potentially be involved not only in abortion‟s choice and execution, but also in its aftermath---the
disposition of the fetus.
1.1. Individual Impact
The terminated fetus would seem to profit least from abortion. There may be cases where
he is spared a life of hunger and pain, suffering and sorrow; however, this is a decidedly
nihilistic view of mankind. Not only does it discount the possibility of the experience of pain by
the fetus during abortion, but it also avoids the larger question of the purpose and value of human
life and existence in general. As a philosophical tenet, most would agree that it is better to be
than not to be.
Whether the mother benefits from abortion has been the subject of considerable debate.
The pro-choice community points to the relief experienced by the woman who escapes an
undesirable situation, her crisis pregnancy. She is restored the ability to control her body and her
future. The pro-life community cites a not insubstantial body of evidence that documents a
woman‟s feelings of guilt and pain, as well as the physical and emotional distress that can
accompany abortion.
3
Pro-choice advocates point out that the father, if he knows, may also
experience relief on emotional and economic levels---often more so than the mother. But men
too have been shown to suffer as a result of abortion and regret the loss of fatherhood. Some
have voiced frustration at a legal system which gives the woman sole control over determining
the fate of their child.
4
3
V. THORNE, “Manifestations of Abortion‟s Aftermath in Women”, in http://www.noparh.org [6-2-2009]. D. M. FERGUSSON - L. J. HARWOOD - J. M. BODIN, “Reactions to Abortion and Subsequent Mental Health”, The British Journal of Psychiatry 195 (2009), 420-426.
4
G. CONDON - D. HAZARD, Fatherhood Aborted, CareNet U.S.A. 2001, 31.
8
Compared with the volumes written about the post-abortive woman and the terminated
fetus, remarkably little has been written about the third necessary participant in abortion---the
abortionist. Doctors who have the training and vocational calling to perform the procedure are
crucial to the abortion industry‟s ability to provide abortion access to women. Besides impacting
the doctor, a facility‟s medical and administrative staff is affected by its proximity to abortion.
The staff closely participates in that it counsels the women, prepares them for the operation,
assists during surgery and recovery, and disposes of fetal remains.
In Necessity and Sorrow, pro-choice author Magda Denes chronicles her research
evidencing the conflicts experienced by abortionists. One abortionist confessed, “As a
physician, I‟m trained to conserve life… I guess I feel guilty because according to the Hippocratic Oath5 you‟re not supposed to do abortions.”6 But others are dedicated to the field.
The Executive Director of the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists says, “By
and large, [abortion doctors] are zealots who are strongly committed and who believe, in most instances correctly, that if they don‟t provide the service, no one will.”7
While many doctors enter the field on ideological grounds or based on a belief that this
area of medicine is underserved, abortion is also a lucrative business. Doctors can earn
significantly more money performing abortions than they can by practicing other kinds of
medicine. Although the chargeable fees and reimbursements available for a routine first-
trimester abortion are generally low, the per-procedure fees are more than offset by the high
volume of abortions that can be performed in a single day.
8
This is particularly true since many
women below the poverty level, who might not otherwise be able to pay for an abortion, are
subsidized through state Medicaid programs.
5The Hippocratic Oath, as originally formulated in the latter half of the fourth century BC, contained the following prohibition: “I will not give a woman as pessary to cause an abortion.”
6
M. DENES, In Necessity and Sorrow, Basic Books, Incorporated, New York, 1976. 7
W. H. PEARSE, M.D., American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, New York Times (8-1- 1990).
8
M. CRUTCHER, Lime 5: Exploited…, 189.
9
1.2. Socio-Economic Impact
An early argument advanced in favor of legal abortion was that it would contribute to the
common good by solving prevailing social problems: child abuse, violence against women,
single-parent households, poverty, etc. “Every child, a wanted child,” was a popular slogan.
However, these social ills would seem to remain notwithstanding the elimination of millions of
presumably unwanted children. As to child abuse, studies indicate a reverse trend. A prior
history of abortion has been shown to produce more child abuse, not less, in subsequent
pregnancies.
9
Some claim that one ideology underlying abortion is eugenic in nature.10 Demographic
data points to a disproportionate concentration of abortion facilities located in economically-
disadvantaged black and ethnic neighborhoods. According to a 2008 study performed by the
Alan Guttmacher Institute and reported in The Washington Post, “While the overall number of
abortions has been falling in recent years, black and Hispanic women are making up a larger
percentage of those receiving them. A large racial disparity was evident. Non-white women
have the procedure at three to five times the rate of white women, the study found.”
11
Currently,
36% of abortions performed in the U.S. are performed on African-American women, although
black women of child-bearing age account for less than 13% of the population.12
Has the common good benefited from legal abortion? More women have taken the
opportunity to complete their education, enter the workforce and leave the welfare roles. From
an environmental standpoint, the collective “carbon footprint” may have been reduced and there
may have been lower consumption of natural resources, both nationally and globally. But after
9
P. NEY - T. FUNG - A. R. WICHETT, “Relationship Between Induced Abortion and Child Abuse and Neglect: Four Studies”, Pre- and Perinatal Psychology Journal 8/1 (1993), 43-63.
10Margaret Sanger founded the American Birth Control League in 1916, which eventually became Planned Parenthood. According to the Birth Control Federation of America‟s “Margaret Sanger Papers Project”, she supervised the “Negro Project” which assembled clinical data to influence the adoption of clinics and contraceptive techniques primarily in the black communities of the South.
11
UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL, INC., ”Abortion Demographics Show Big Changes”, The Washington Post (23-9-2008).
12
C. H. CHILDRESS, JR., “The Dawning of a King‟s Dream” (2003), in http://www.blackgenocide.org/king.html [6-15-2009].
10
nearly fifty million legal U.S. abortions between 1973 and 2009, the data is inconclusive or
dubious at best. Born in 1973, Caleb King, pastor at the Assembly of God‟s New Life Christian
Center in Novato, California, lamented, “There is a growing sense in my generation that there are
a lot of us missing, a lot of people with great potential.” The logical question flowing from this
is whether society has benefited from the largely unregulated, uncontrolled and uncontrollable
abortion industry. This question has gone largely unasked and almost completely unanswered.
The answer may be a function of economics.
Commerce, defined as “the exchange or buying and selling of goods, commodities or
property,”
13
capitalizes on opportunity. It looks for utility in things that would otherwise be
wasted and searches for innovative business ideas. Maximization of profits is the ultimate goal. Markets are created by exploiting supply and demand.14 The choices the public exercises
regarding the sort of markets it allows to be created are important. These choices create the kind
of world in which we live. They define the ethics of a society.
When abortion became legal in the United States, no one anticipated that it would give
rise to a tremendous market in fetal parts, tissues and cells. Campaigns advocating for a
woman‟s right to choose never looked beyond the stated motivation---a desire for legal access to
abortion---to the collective forces representing the creation of emerging markets.
Abortion became legal throughout the United States in 1973 with the Roe v. Wade
Supreme Court decision. Until that time it was controlled by state law. Each of the fifty states
regulated the practice to varying degrees. In Roe v Wade, the Justices ruled that abortion could
not be restricted at all in the first trimester of pregnancy. Second-trimester abortion could be
regulated only for reasons of the mother‟s health. During the third trimester, after viability,
abortion could be prohibited except when necessary to preserve the mother‟s life or health.
15
Thus, the definition of “health” became all-important in determining the parameters of legal
13 Merriam-Webster's Dictionary of Law, Merriam-Webster, Inc. 1996. 14Supply and demand is an economic model based on price, utility and quantity in a market. It concludes that in a competitive market, price will function to equalize the quantity demanded by consumers and the quantity supplied by producers, resulting in an economic equilibrium of price and quantity.
15 Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113, 160-165 (1973).
Faculty of Bioethics
Commercial Markets Created by Abortion: Profiting from the Fetal Distribution Chain
Professor: Father Joseph Tham
Student: Victoria Evans
Matriculation n.: 00006495
BE2001 Dissertation for the Licentiate
Rome, 18 November 2009
2
CONTENTS
Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………..4
1. Foundations of Abortion……………………………………………………………..7
1.1. Individual Impact…………………………………………………………….7
1.2. Socio-Economic Impact……………………………………………………...9
2. The Abortion Industry……………………………………………………………….12
2.1. Industry Composition………………………………………………………..12
2.2. Case Study…………………………………………………………………...13
2.2.1. Planned Parenthood Business Operations…………………………...15
2.2.2. Clinical Trials…………………………………………………..........18
2.3. Political Landscape…………………………………………………………..20
2.3.1. Federal Framework…………………………………………………..20
2.3.2. Planned Parenthood Structure………………………………………..21
2.3.3. Grassroots Lobbying…………………………………………………22
2.3.4. Direct Lobbying……………………………………………………...24
3. The Fetal Parts Industry……………………………………………………………..27
3.1. Legal History………………………………………………………………...28
3.2. Investigative Report…………………………………………………………32
3.3. Fetus Farming………………………………………………………………..37
4. The Pharmaceutical Industry………………………………………………………..40
4.1. Industry Dynamics…………………………………………………………..40
4.2. Vaccines……………………………………………………………………..44
4.3. Human Technology Manufacturing Platforms……………………………....47
5. The Cosmetics Industry……………………………………………………………...51
5.1 Cosmeceutical Development………………………………………………...51
3
5.2. Market Demographics………………………………………………………53
6. Ethical Assessment………………………………………………………………….56
6.1. The Human Person………………………………………………………….56
6.2. The Past and the Future……………………………………………………..57
6.3. Cooperation in Evil………………………………………………………….59
Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………..65
Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………...68
4
INTRODUCTION
The abortion divide is commonly viewed as an ideological conflict. Does a woman‟s
right to make reproductive choices eclipse the right to life of a developing fetus? Too often the
rhetoric begins and ends at this level of discourse.
An ideology may be defined as “a system of collectively held normative and reputedly
factual ideas and beliefs and attitudes, advocating and/or justifying a particular pattern of
political and/or economic relationships, arrangements and conduct.”
1
It is a wide-ranging shared
belief system that can serve to motivate and justify and to provide the foundation for programs of
political and social action. “Leaders of sociopolitical movements realize that there will
inevitably be times when a movement‟s ideology will conflict with the experiences and
moralities of their followers. At those moments, followers must reject their own consciences and
blindly fall back on the accepted dogma.”
2
This quotation characterizes the ideological divide
surrounding abortion. It is today‟s most polarizing issue.
There is a particular cultural vision that provides motivation and justification for access
to legal abortion by focusing on a woman‟s autonomy, privacy, equality and right to self-
determination. Understanding this vision is fundamental to understanding the deep reluctance of
the pro-choice community to abandon the status quo as it relates to abortion. By the same token,
those who reject abortion do so based on an anthropology that embraces as central the individual
human person, his dignity, intrinsic worth and right to life, regardless of stage of development or
state of life. This vision of the person is irreconcilably at odds with the acceptance of abortion.
Today the abortion industry claims a unique place as an established structure of
American society. It benefits from legal and governmental protections. Juridical cases
upholding abortion rights indicate its relatively secure position in federal and state courts.
Explanations as to why it has come to occupy this position vary. Perhaps it is the will of the
majority, the sheer political strength of an ideological movement, or a postmodern vision of what
1
M. B. HAMILTON, “The Elements of the Concept of Ideology”, Political Studies 35 (1987) 18-38. 2
M. CRUTCHER, Lime 5: Exploited by Choice, Life Dynamics, Incorporated, Denton 1996, 205.
5
constitutes a “right” for the human person and a “good” for the society. Putting aside the
ideological question for the moment, it appears that abortion-related businesses, silently
springing up and maturing over the past forty years, could now be influencing the abortion
debate. The reality of these businesses is not often part of the general public‟s knowledge or
concern.
Is there a commercial case for preserving the abortion industry in its present form that
transcends ideology? Are special interests driving the industry? How much power, if any, do
financial considerations wield when weighed against societal norms, rules and laws that govern
abortion? Does the public‟s ignorance of these factors contribute to maintaining the abortion
culture as it exists today? If people understood these factors, might their ideas about abortion
change? As commercial ventures, how much profit do the abortion industry and those industries
dependent upon it generate---and to what interests? What extent does money, “the root of all
evil,” play in understanding the complex calculus of abortion?
As a practical matter, this paper cannot settle the question of whether abortion is
predominantly an ideology or a commercial enterprise. To some degree, it is both. It will
instead focus on industrial sectors whose origin and growth are a result of legalized abortion.
The culture of abortion is multifaceted. Its influence has permeated countless segments of
society. It has created new commercial markets and molded existing ones. While it fulfills the
definition of an ideology, particularly in those who inhabit its two extreme positions, economic
revelations that underlie the abortion industry may affect the thinking of those less resolved
individuals inhabiting the more moderate center.
Little is widely known about the business aspects of the abortion industry that relate to its
function of supplying electively-aborted fetuses to industries that exploit them for economic
gain. An unintended consequence of the essentially unencumbered right to abortion has been the
creation of a vast and lucrative market in fetal tissue, fetal organs and fetal parts.
This paper will attempt to follow the money trail in an effort to expose those special
interests that contribute to abortion‟s control over the American culture and the American
6
economy. It will examine some industries connected with and profiteering from the abortion
industry, some directly and some more remotely.
Chapter 1 will look at general foundational aspects of abortion. Chapter 2 delves into the
social, commercial, political and juridical systems that make the abortion industry itself
profitable. Chapter 3 examines the fetal parts industry, an industry that could not have
developed without a legal and protected abortion structure. Chapter 4 follows fetal-tissue
technology into the pharmaceutical industry. Chapter 5 reveals how fetal-tissue supply and
demand shape the cosmetics industry. Finally, Chapter 6 analyzes the ethical implications of the
practices taking place and why it is necessary to shine a light on these practices. The scope will
generally be limited to the United States, except in cases involving worldwide markets.
7
Chapter 1
FOUNDATIONS OF ABORTION
Who profits from abortion? Abortion does not affect just one person. It impacts
individuals, families, businesses and society at large. Thus, many people and entities can
potentially be involved not only in abortion‟s choice and execution, but also in its aftermath---the
disposition of the fetus.
1.1. Individual Impact
The terminated fetus would seem to profit least from abortion. There may be cases where
he is spared a life of hunger and pain, suffering and sorrow; however, this is a decidedly
nihilistic view of mankind. Not only does it discount the possibility of the experience of pain by
the fetus during abortion, but it also avoids the larger question of the purpose and value of human
life and existence in general. As a philosophical tenet, most would agree that it is better to be
than not to be.
Whether the mother benefits from abortion has been the subject of considerable debate.
The pro-choice community points to the relief experienced by the woman who escapes an
undesirable situation, her crisis pregnancy. She is restored the ability to control her body and her
future. The pro-life community cites a not insubstantial body of evidence that documents a
woman‟s feelings of guilt and pain, as well as the physical and emotional distress that can
accompany abortion.
3
Pro-choice advocates point out that the father, if he knows, may also
experience relief on emotional and economic levels---often more so than the mother. But men
too have been shown to suffer as a result of abortion and regret the loss of fatherhood. Some
have voiced frustration at a legal system which gives the woman sole control over determining
the fate of their child.
4
3
V. THORNE, “Manifestations of Abortion‟s Aftermath in Women”, in http://www.noparh.org [6-2-2009]. D. M. FERGUSSON - L. J. HARWOOD - J. M. BODIN, “Reactions to Abortion and Subsequent Mental Health”, The British Journal of Psychiatry 195 (2009), 420-426.
4
G. CONDON - D. HAZARD, Fatherhood Aborted, CareNet U.S.A. 2001, 31.
8
Compared with the volumes written about the post-abortive woman and the terminated
fetus, remarkably little has been written about the third necessary participant in abortion---the
abortionist. Doctors who have the training and vocational calling to perform the procedure are
crucial to the abortion industry‟s ability to provide abortion access to women. Besides impacting
the doctor, a facility‟s medical and administrative staff is affected by its proximity to abortion.
The staff closely participates in that it counsels the women, prepares them for the operation,
assists during surgery and recovery, and disposes of fetal remains.
In Necessity and Sorrow, pro-choice author Magda Denes chronicles her research
evidencing the conflicts experienced by abortionists. One abortionist confessed, “As a
physician, I‟m trained to conserve life… I guess I feel guilty because according to the Hippocratic Oath5 you‟re not supposed to do abortions.”6 But others are dedicated to the field.
The Executive Director of the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists says, “By
and large, [abortion doctors] are zealots who are strongly committed and who believe, in most instances correctly, that if they don‟t provide the service, no one will.”7
While many doctors enter the field on ideological grounds or based on a belief that this
area of medicine is underserved, abortion is also a lucrative business. Doctors can earn
significantly more money performing abortions than they can by practicing other kinds of
medicine. Although the chargeable fees and reimbursements available for a routine first-
trimester abortion are generally low, the per-procedure fees are more than offset by the high
volume of abortions that can be performed in a single day.
8
This is particularly true since many
women below the poverty level, who might not otherwise be able to pay for an abortion, are
subsidized through state Medicaid programs.
5The Hippocratic Oath, as originally formulated in the latter half of the fourth century BC, contained the following prohibition: “I will not give a woman as pessary to cause an abortion.”
6
M. DENES, In Necessity and Sorrow, Basic Books, Incorporated, New York, 1976. 7
W. H. PEARSE, M.D., American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, New York Times (8-1- 1990).
8
M. CRUTCHER, Lime 5: Exploited…, 189.
9
1.2. Socio-Economic Impact
An early argument advanced in favor of legal abortion was that it would contribute to the
common good by solving prevailing social problems: child abuse, violence against women,
single-parent households, poverty, etc. “Every child, a wanted child,” was a popular slogan.
However, these social ills would seem to remain notwithstanding the elimination of millions of
presumably unwanted children. As to child abuse, studies indicate a reverse trend. A prior
history of abortion has been shown to produce more child abuse, not less, in subsequent
pregnancies.
9
Some claim that one ideology underlying abortion is eugenic in nature.10 Demographic
data points to a disproportionate concentration of abortion facilities located in economically-
disadvantaged black and ethnic neighborhoods. According to a 2008 study performed by the
Alan Guttmacher Institute and reported in The Washington Post, “While the overall number of
abortions has been falling in recent years, black and Hispanic women are making up a larger
percentage of those receiving them. A large racial disparity was evident. Non-white women
have the procedure at three to five times the rate of white women, the study found.”
11
Currently,
36% of abortions performed in the U.S. are performed on African-American women, although
black women of child-bearing age account for less than 13% of the population.12
Has the common good benefited from legal abortion? More women have taken the
opportunity to complete their education, enter the workforce and leave the welfare roles. From
an environmental standpoint, the collective “carbon footprint” may have been reduced and there
may have been lower consumption of natural resources, both nationally and globally. But after
9
P. NEY - T. FUNG - A. R. WICHETT, “Relationship Between Induced Abortion and Child Abuse and Neglect: Four Studies”, Pre- and Perinatal Psychology Journal 8/1 (1993), 43-63.
10Margaret Sanger founded the American Birth Control League in 1916, which eventually became Planned Parenthood. According to the Birth Control Federation of America‟s “Margaret Sanger Papers Project”, she supervised the “Negro Project” which assembled clinical data to influence the adoption of clinics and contraceptive techniques primarily in the black communities of the South.
11
UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL, INC., ”Abortion Demographics Show Big Changes”, The Washington Post (23-9-2008).
12
C. H. CHILDRESS, JR., “The Dawning of a King‟s Dream” (2003), in http://www.blackgenocide.org/king.html [6-15-2009].
10
nearly fifty million legal U.S. abortions between 1973 and 2009, the data is inconclusive or
dubious at best. Born in 1973, Caleb King, pastor at the Assembly of God‟s New Life Christian
Center in Novato, California, lamented, “There is a growing sense in my generation that there are
a lot of us missing, a lot of people with great potential.” The logical question flowing from this
is whether society has benefited from the largely unregulated, uncontrolled and uncontrollable
abortion industry. This question has gone largely unasked and almost completely unanswered.
The answer may be a function of economics.
Commerce, defined as “the exchange or buying and selling of goods, commodities or
property,”
13
capitalizes on opportunity. It looks for utility in things that would otherwise be
wasted and searches for innovative business ideas. Maximization of profits is the ultimate goal. Markets are created by exploiting supply and demand.14 The choices the public exercises
regarding the sort of markets it allows to be created are important. These choices create the kind
of world in which we live. They define the ethics of a society.
When abortion became legal in the United States, no one anticipated that it would give
rise to a tremendous market in fetal parts, tissues and cells. Campaigns advocating for a
woman‟s right to choose never looked beyond the stated motivation---a desire for legal access to
abortion---to the collective forces representing the creation of emerging markets.
Abortion became legal throughout the United States in 1973 with the Roe v. Wade
Supreme Court decision. Until that time it was controlled by state law. Each of the fifty states
regulated the practice to varying degrees. In Roe v Wade, the Justices ruled that abortion could
not be restricted at all in the first trimester of pregnancy. Second-trimester abortion could be
regulated only for reasons of the mother‟s health. During the third trimester, after viability,
abortion could be prohibited except when necessary to preserve the mother‟s life or health.
15
Thus, the definition of “health” became all-important in determining the parameters of legal
13 Merriam-Webster's Dictionary of Law, Merriam-Webster, Inc. 1996. 14Supply and demand is an economic model based on price, utility and quantity in a market. It concludes that in a competitive market, price will function to equalize the quantity demanded by consumers and the quantity supplied by producers, resulting in an economic equilibrium of price and quantity.
15 Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113, 160-165 (1973).
No comments:
Post a Comment